“I Don’t Know What’s Happening to Me” — the Recording FCPS Didn’t Want You to Hear
Instead of letting the State Police do their job, FCPS hired a K‑Street megafirm to smear the reporting and the whistleblower while running an outside counsel‑managed “investigation”.
INVESTIGATIONS: By Walter Curt
This story isn’t complicated. A teenage girl in Fairfax County became pregnant, her guardian told the school, and days later she was bleeding and terrified—no one from the school had called, no consent was sought, and the guardian learned she was no longer pregnant only when doctors in the ER told him. FCPS insists it ran a “comprehensive investigation,” but this newly surfaced recording proves they either never found or never wanted to find the truth. It obliterates the official narrative that whistleblower Zenaida Perez fabricated evidence and shows exactly what the district tried to bury: a frightened minor, a guardian shut out, and a bureaucracy now tangled in its own lies.
Recording of Student B’s Legal Guardian
“She told me she had stomach pain and was bleeding. I said, ‘Let’s go to the hospital.’
When we got there, the doctors said there was nothing wrong.
So I asked, ‘What happened to the pregnancy? Where did it go? How?’
She said, ‘I don’t know what’s happening to me.’
That’s when I found out she wasn’t pregnant anymore.
The school never called me. The nurse never called me.
Nobody asked for my consent.”
There’s a moment in the guardian’s recording that freezes the soul. A minor is doubled over, bleeding, vomiting, scared. When pressed, she says it plain: “I don’t know what’s happening to me.” That sentence torches Fairfax County Public Schools’ carefully lawyered narrative. Because while FCPS’s billion‑dollar law firm put out a glossy, redacted, “interim” report built on self‑selected exhibits and convenient caveats, the guardian’s account lines up almost perfectly with the incident described in the August 5 letter they tried to discredit. The tape doesn’t read like spin. It reads like a parent figure blindsided by a crisis the school should have treated with utmost seriousness and transparency.
Let’s be clear about what the guardian says. He learned of the pregnancy from a home test photo — “two red lines.” He says he told the school. He says the school social worker called him once, but not to inform him about a pregnancy plan or to seek consent. He says the nurse never called. He says he never received any consent form. A week to ten days later, the girl is suddenly very sick, “bleeding a lot.” At the ER, he finds out she’s “no longer pregnant.” When asked before that whether the school told him about an abortion or sought approval, he answers with the kind of flat certainty you hear from people who’ve had enough: “No, they never told me anything about that.” On consent documents: “Never.” That’s the ballgame on parental notification — the principle FCPS claims to honor, the policy they parade in press releases.
FCPS says trust our “interim” findings, trust our redactions, trust our chain‑of‑custody that somehow always leans their way. They want you to believe the whistleblower’s evidence was “forged,” that a public letter was a concoction, that anyone asking basic questions is part of a smear. But the recording stands there like a brick wall. The guardian isn’t speculating about bureaucratic policy; he’s recounting what he lived: a minor under his roof, a positive test, a sudden medical crisis, and a hospital telling him she’s not pregnant anymore — with no school‑initiated call for consent before the fact. If FCPS’s lawyers missed this tape, their investigation is worthless. If they knew and buried it, their credibility is worse than worthless.
And spare us the ritual they always wheel out when parents get too close to the truth: the black highlighters, the “ongoing investigation,” the “based on evidence to date,” the hand‑wringing about privacy that somehow never prevents them from smearing the whistleblower. Zenaida Perez raised alarms. FCPS’s response was to attack her character, to question handwriting, to suggest that a statement wasn’t really a student’s — while their own “independent” review reported up through outside counsel. Independence that reports to the client’s lawyers isn’t independence; it’s reputation management.
The guardian’s tape shreds the core talking point. FCPS’s document leans hard on an assertion that a “guardian” was in the loop through the public health nurse. The actual guardian on tape says he wasn’t called by the nurse, wasn’t asked to consent, and learned the pregnancy had ended only at the ER. If FCPS means some other adult when they say “guardian,” they can name the relationship and show the timestamped log. Otherwise, what we have is a school system trying to lawyer its way around the simplest question in America: Were the parents told before a minor’s pregnancy ended — yes or no?
And this is not the first credibility crisis for FCPS in this saga. They claimed they only learned of these allegations in August. Prior recordings show investigators were told many times, including as late as May 2025. That’s not a rounding error; that’s a contradiction. When a bureaucracy with a nine‑figure PR instinct and a mega‑firm on retainer keeps “finding out” well after everyone else, the public is entitled to conclude the late discovery is deliberate.
Listen again to the tape’s plain talk: “No, they never told me anything about that.” “Never.” “I don’t know what’s happening to me.” This is what the establishment press always misses about parents’ rights. It isn’t theory. It’s the gut‑punch of being cut out, watching your child suffer, and then being told by a district with a mile‑deep legal bench that your questions are rude, your whistleblowers are liars, and your evidence is inconvenient. FCPS could have stepped back and said, “State Police now; we’ll cooperate fully.” They chose instead to wage a reputational war against the people who raised the alarm.
The district wants to talk about policies. Fine. Show them. Show the ledger. Produce the nurse’s contemporaneous notes with times and the identity of the “guardian” contacted. Produce a consent form if it exists. If there was a judicial bypass — the only other lawful path for a minor — say so plainly and show the inter‑agency confirmation that such a proceeding occurred. Don’t handwave “privacy” and then leak convenient insinuations about forged statements and greedy lawyers. If you’re confident no public funds were used, don’t give us a conclusion. Give us the P‑Card logs, vendor look‑backs, disbursement journals, negative vendor search certifications — the receipts. Because right now, “no evidence funds were used” reads like “we didn’t look where it would show up.”
And let’s talk about the way FCPS and its defenders try to launder doubt through “process.” The letter is “interim.” The exhibits are “redacted.” The findings are “based on evidence to date.” The independent review is…not independent. It’s the same old Beltway playbook: turn a parents’ rights scandal into a contest of professionalized paperwork, then declare the file closed. Except this time there’s a voice you can’t redact — a guardian who says the school didn’t call, didn’t seek consent, and left him to learn at the hospital that the pregnancy was over. That isn’t a paperwork issue. That’s a moral failure.
To the officials on the dais and the lawyers billing by the minute: this isn’t complicated. Parents come first. If FCPS can prove it notified the proper guardian and obtained consent before the fact, do it today. If they can prove a lawful bypass occurred, say it plainly. If they can’t, every syllable of their smear campaign against the whistleblower boomerangs back on them. And if they need a refresher on accountability, they can ask the State Police — the very investigators who should have had this case from the start, minus the K‑Street choreography.
The pedestal FCPS enjoys was built on the assumption that ordinary people would always fold when confronted by a wall of lawyers and press releases. Not this time. The recording changes everything because it changes the stakes from dueling memos to human reality. “I don’t know what’s happening to me.” That’s a cry for help, not a line in a legal brief. Parents heard it. The public can hear it. FCPS should hear it — and for once, answer it with truth, not redactions. Show the logs. Show the consent. Show the ledger. Or show yourselves out.
FULL RECORDING:
FULL ENGLISH TRANSCRIPT:
SBLG:
Then I told her that she was pregnant. “Yes, I’m pregnant.” “Yes, of course, because look at the test. I think I still have the test on my phone because I save everything for her too.”
SBLG:
I struggled, I really did, and I advised her because when she came to live with me, she was still a minor.
SBLG:
Then I asked her why she felt nauseous. She said that when she saw things she didn’t like, she would start vomiting. So I said, maybe you’re pregnant. She said, well, yes, maybe. Then when she took that test—and I don’t even know who bought the pregnancy test for her, maybe it was her boyfriend, I don’t know. Someone must have helped her, honestly, I don’t know. Then when she sent me that photo on WhatsApp and I saw the two red lines—it was positive. “You’re pregnant,” I said. “And now what do I do?” she said. I told her, “You don’t have to do anything, we’ll see what happens.”
SBLG:
What happened was that from the beginning, when she was pregnant, about a week or ten days later she told me her stomach hurt, that she was bleeding, that she didn’t know what was happening to her. “Let’s go to the hospital,” she said. So I took her to the emergency room, and they said she didn’t have anything, and the doctors told me the same thing, that she didn’t have anything.
So what happened to the pregnancy? Where did it go and how? I never found out. And she knew—I know she knew she had that abortion. Because the truth is, when I arrived at the hospital, I asked the doctors if she was still pregnant, if she still had the baby, and they said no. “So what did you do? Did you take some medicine or something?” I asked. “No, nothing,” she said. “I’m not pregnant.” So maybe they helped her.
SBLG:
Then I didn’t know anything about that. Like I said, the truth is, I don’t know.
Zenaida Perez:
I have a question. The school principal says that the social worker and the school nurse called you to tell you about REDACTED’s pregnancy. Did that ever happen?
SBLG:
I told him, I told him from the beginning.
Zenaida Perez:
Then no, but my question is—did the social worker, Carolina Díaz, call you to tell you that REDACTED was pregnant and wanted to have an abortion, yes or no?
SBLG:
No, they didn’t tell me anything about that.
Zenaida Perez:
And did the school nurse call you too? Did they send you any document for you to approve the abortion? Never? Okay. Did you find out about the abortion after she had already done it?
SBLG:
No, not at all.
Zenaida Perez:
You didn’t know that she was no longer pregnant when you took her to the emergency room?
SBLG:
No, I found out there, because when I took her to the emergency room, they told me she wasn’t pregnant. But before that, yes, she was pregnant. You have the pregnancy test. That means that the day you came home and found her very sick, vomiting, and bleeding a lot, that means that on that day she had performed the abortion that same day.
SBLG:
That was clear.
Zenaida Perez:
And did her boyfriend drive her? He was the one who took the car?
SBLG:
The boyfriend too, because according to what she told me, he was going to help me, that he was going to take her to the hospital when we talked with her. Just like I told her, “I’m going to help you with the baby. If the father doesn’t show up or take responsibility, then I’ll help you with your baby. Don’t worry about that. I’ll take custody of the baby and I’ll support it,” I told her. That’s what I told her, and that’s what I told her mother too.
Zenaida Perez:
But where is REDACTED’s father?
SBLG:
She doesn’t know anything about her father since she was a baby. They left him behind somewhere, but I think he’s already dead. I don’t know. We don’t know anything about that.
Zenaida Perez:
How sad. She has no one. Of course, she has her mother and she has you.
SBLG:
Yes, I was the only one fighting for her. Like I’m telling you now, I was scolding her not to make the same mistake again, not to do the same thing, to take care of herself because it’s a big problem. Like I said, that brings us a problem.
Zenaida Perez:
Are you willing to take on this case? To fight for justice?
SBLG:
Yes, like I’m saying, because it really was the school’s social workers who helped her. So if she helped her with that abortion, if REDACTED told her that she had an abortion, then she helped her. They should do something so this doesn’t happen again with other people. Like we’re hearing now, the girls are saying someone helps them at school, but we don’t know who it is—so who is the one helping? They should bring justice. They shouldn’t do that. They should talk to the parents first, and only if they agree. Because some girls today are very rebellious, very clever—they look for help elsewhere so their parents won’t find out. Why? Without the father’s permission, they have no right to do that.
Zenaida Perez:
That’s true.
SBLG:
Without consulting.
Zenaida Perez:
I’m 100% in agreement with you. And besides that, I can tell you that REDACTED has never lied to me about the abortion. I believed her the first time. The second time I spoke with her, I told her—I came home and asked her that someone had called me about it, that she had an abortion, that the social worker helped her at school. She told me, “Oh no, don’t talk to me about that anymore. It’s better that I stop. I don’t want to get people in trouble,” she said.
Zenaida Perez:
So the problem is that they all know it’s a very serious crime—it’s a felony. The social worker committed a felony because REDACTED had just turned 17, and on top of that, the social worker paid for the abortion with school funds, not realizing that after that abortion there could be many serious consequences. For example, all those unfair bills they’ve sent you for almost twelve thousand dollars—impossible.
SBLG:
Because I don’t know what’s wrong with her. Like I said, I worry because she’s working now—she works at a Thai restaurant.
SBLG:
I told her to study, but she’s stubborn. So she goes to work, and sometimes she faints. She said last week, or about two weeks ago, she fainted. They called me, even her boss called me, asking, “What’s wrong with her? Sometimes she faints,” she said. “Why? Either she’s sick or they left her in bad shape from that abortion they did.”
Zenaida Perez:
I don’t know. She told me on June 10, when classes ended, that they had left something inside because she had back pain. And I believe her. I swear to you.
SBLG:
Maybe she’s afraid to tell because I’m a man. I know she’s afraid to tell.
Zenaida Perez:
She’s told me the same story three times. She’s never changed it. And I trust her. I know what she’s telling me is true, because I trust my kids from school.
Zenaida Perez:
She’s no longer a child—she’s 18—but she’s suffered a lot, and this abortion problem has affected her physically. She’s not in good health. We have to fight to see what can be done for her and for you too, because if there’s a big victim here, it’s you, because they’re sending you all those bills and we have to find a way.